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Britain has lost its once great development prowess

(Alamy)

4 min read

It was my good fortune to serve in the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) at a time of perilous global upheaval.

Vladimir Putin’s brutal and illegal invasion of Ukraine, escalation in the Middle East, famine in east Africa and devastation in Sudan have upped the ante in ways I thought had been consigned to history.

I entered the House of Commons just a few years before the cold war ended. Today the world is once again in the grip of a galloping surge in tensions, where international institutions are being undermined, narrow nationalism is once again rearing its head, and the renewed spectre of nuclear confrontation is hovering dangerously into view.

We need exceptional minds to ward off the brewing storm, and Britain deploys that in spades through its extensive diplomatic network. Travelling the world I often marvelled at how skilfully our ambassadors navigated sensitive political terrains. I recall one diplomat who had secured a concession from her Chinese counterparts after a spirited exchange in perfect Mandarin. Our diplomats really are something else.

The 2020 merger of the Department of International Development and Foreign Office was like trying to mix oil and water

There remains one glaring weakness. The ‘D’ in FCDO – development – is still struggling to be heard. The 2020 merger of the Department of International Development (Dfid) and Foreign Office was like trying to mix oil and water. There are brilliant diplomats of great experience and dexterity on the one hand, and the remnants of the Dfid caucus on the other, where key parts of Britain’s development prowess are undermanned and the extraordinary collection of brilliance which propelled British expertise into global superstardom has dissipated.

The greatest proof of this is when disaster struck in Gaza. As deputy foreign secretary I was responsible for driving forward Britain’s humanitarian response, but the truth is that had Dfid still existed it would have led the way with New York and Geneva to produce a comprehensive plan, which would almost certainly have been accepted by the Israeli government.

In the event we all chipped in – Americans, Jordanians, Brits, Germans, Qataris and others – but the ad hoc nature of these interventions was sub-optimal given the political and logistical complexities we faced. We tried to deliver aid by sea, but a pontoon broke up in bad weather.

We also tried airdrops, which killed five people. Why go down dangerous and less effective routes when there is a perfectly decent roads network? Because when there is no centralised strategic plan, there is no common platform from which to negotiate ways forward.

We often talk ourselves down in Britain. While our global influence may have declined, our soft power exercised through Dfid had become our superpower, where for many in their darkest moments after flood, earthquake and disaster, Britain has been a beacon of hope and light. Dfid transformed Britain’s place in the world.

The problem now is this: any effort to recreate Dfid in strength, depth and splendour would lead to several years of disruption and structural change which would set development back even more.

That’s why I tried to make the merger work by bringing in structural changes and publishing a white paper which articulated Britain’s new development offer as part of the wider diplomatic machinery.

Diplomacy and development are different but in the national interest must be joined seamlessly to tackle the myriad crises and inequalities around us. Anything less would be second best. If the “D” in FCDO continues to play second fiddle when it needs to be front and centre of Britain’s international efforts, I fear there will be no choice but to tear down the structures once again. There is only so much we can match and bend, before we replace. 

 

Andrew Mitchell, Conservative MP for Sutton Coldfield and former deputy foreign secretary

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